New BJP President, Old Power Game: Silence of RSS Signals Shift in Sangh–BJP Equation
New Delhi — In politics, what is visible is rarely the whole truth. The bigger truth often lies in what is left unsaid—wrapped in silences, gestures and carefully choreographed moments. Today, the...
New Delhi — In politics, what is visible is rarely the whole truth. The bigger truth often lies in what is left unsaid—wrapped in silences, gestures and carefully choreographed moments. Today, the Bharatiya Janata Party finds itself at the centre of such a moment. There is movement within the Sangh Parivar, there is unease among veterans, and yet there is an almost deafening silence from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). At the heart of this churn stands one decision: the appointment of a new BJP president.
Speculation over the new party chief did not begin yesterday or even six months ago. It has been simmering for over a year. But when the final decision arrived, it raised a question far more unsettling than any name: does power today mean what it once meant in the BJP–RSS ecosystem? Or has power now become so centralised that even the ideological custodian of the party stands quietly on the sidelines?
The answer seems to lie in what unfolded three days ago in Port Blair. Home Minister Amit Shah was scheduled to unveil a statue of Veer Savarkar—a planned programme. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat was also present. Shah’s visit was arranged swiftly, almost hurriedly, signalling urgency beyond symbolism. Before and after the event, three critical statements emerged that now appear deeply political.
First, Bhagwat spoke of the need to correct mistakes—acknowledging that some decisions had caused unrest within the Sangh. But he also cautioned that reversing those decisions would take time. The message was clear: give the current power structure space to course-correct.
Second came a reminder that no government lasts forever. “If you believe power is permanent, it is not,” Bhagwat said—words that carried far more weight than a routine philosophical observation.
And third, perhaps most tellingly, Bhagwat warned against cutting one’s roots while in power. Protecting roots, he said, was essential. Yet, within the Sangh Parivar, another interpretation gained currency: without power, ideology has no vehicle. Without control of the state, even the most disciplined organisation becomes ineffective.
This subtext became unmistakable when Bhagwat later remarked that India “worships power.” Opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi tried to decode this statement publicly, but their commentary was largely irrelevant. The real conversation was happening elsewhere—inside the BJP and the Sangh Parivar.
For the first time since the formation of the Jan Sangh, and later the BJP, the party faces a scenario where the appointment of its president appears to have happened without the visible imprimatur of the RSS. Historically, that imprimatur mattered. From Atal Bihari Vajpayee to L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Jana Krishnamurthy, Venkaiah Naidu, Rajnath Singh and Nitin Gadkari, every BJP president was publicly endorsed by the Sangh leadership.
Even when Nitin Gadkari was appointed—a decision that initially shocked Delhi—it was the RSS that steadied the organisation. Control of the party structure always rested with Nagpur, ensuring that no single individual monopolised power.
But politics has changed. With the opposition weakened, the real battle for power now lies within the BJP itself. Multiple power centres have emerged, each trying to shape the party’s future while staying aligned, at least outwardly, with Sangh ideology.
That is why one image has become so symbolic: former BJP president J.P. Nadda and Home Minister Amit Shah ceremonially seating the new president, Nitin Nabin, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi was abroad. The RSS chief offered no public reaction. Senior leaders limited themselves to bouquets and sweets. No guidance. No sermon. No applause from Nagpur.
Nitin Nabin’s appointment itself has raised eyebrows. Born in 1980—the same year the BJP was formed—he is just 45. How did someone so young rise to a position historically reserved for seasoned veterans? The answer appears brutally simple: power decides.
This is not without precedent. In 2017, when Modi and Shah had decided to make Manoj Sinha the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Murli Manohar Joshi was sent to inform the RSS. The Sangh responded sharply: “Are you informing us, or seeking our opinion?” Within hours, the decision collapsed. By the next morning, Yogi Adityanath emerged as Chief Minister, backed fully by the Sangh. Delhi had to bow.
This time, the equation is reversed. Modi is silent. Amit Shah is vocal—and decisive. Shah understands power intimately: how it is acquired, how it is retained, and what happens when it slips away. He also understands that if power fractures at the top, everything else—agenda, ideology, organisation—risks unraveling.
The silence of the RSS suggests a reluctant acknowledgment of this reality.
The reactions—or lack thereof—from BJP stalwarts like L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Rajnath Singh and Nitin Gadkari speak volumes. Their role has been reduced to symbolic courtesies. No resistance. No endorsement. Just acceptance.
Why now? Because the stakes are enormous.
The BJP faces a relentless electoral calendar: BMC elections, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh. The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation election, in particular, could decide the political survival of the Thackeray family. It will also determine the future trajectory of Maharashtra politics.
In this matrix, Amit Shah’s strategy is unmistakable. Consolidate organisational control. Send a message to potential challengers—Yogi Adityanath, Devendra Fadnavis, and even NDA allies—that the command structure is non-negotiable.
This is also where Nitin Nabin fits in. Nitish Kumar once dismissed him as “too young” on the Bihar Assembly floor. But politics has a long memory. In 2010, when Narendra Modi visited Patna as Gujarat Chief Minister, an advertisement featuring him triggered a controversy. Two MLAs were involved. One of them was Nitin Nabin.
Connect the dots or don’t—the message remains the same.
Even NDA allies are falling in line. Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, whose political survival depends heavily on Delhi, has openly endorsed the new BJP president. “There can be no better person than Nitin Nabin,” Shinde said. “His experience will benefit not just the BJP but the entire NDA.”
Prime Minister Modi echoed this sentiment on X, praising Nabin’s organisational grip and grassroots connect, even though he was not physically present.
So what is the larger message?
That ideology may guide politics, but power sustains it. That the RSS, under pressure from the opposition and changing political realities, has chosen pragmatism over confrontation. And that the post of BJP president—once an ideological bridge between Nagpur and Delhi—has now become a strategic pawn in a larger power game.
In essence, the Sangh Parivar seems to be saying: hold power first. Everything else can wait.
The truth, stark and unambiguous, is this: power today defines decisions, silences dissent, and shapes the future. And those who stand with power will see their decisions prevail.
This is not merely the rise of a new BJP president. It is a declaration of how power will be exercised, defended and enforced in the years to come.
